1. What was described as the ‘Modi wave’ in 2014 was actually a combination of two parallel currents. There was, first, fierce anti-incumbency against the UPA government. This merged with a parallel fascination for the then Gujarat chief minister who had emerged as the alternative. However, there was no uniform perception of Modi. To some he was the great champion of Hindu interests; to others he was a chaiwala-made-good; some admired his administrative acumen and the Gujarat model; and, finally, to a small but influential section, he was a rare business-friendly leader. In short, Modi’s image in 2014 was hazy. He was interpreted according to sectional convenience. 2. In 2019, after five years of sustained national and international exposure, there is very little tentativeness surrounding Modi. People either love what they have seen of his leadership and character or, as has been the case with a section of the old elite, they loathe him with unrivalled passion. Politically at least, Modi’s persona argues against either indifference or neutrality. People either want to endorse him for another five years to build a New India, or they look upon May 23 as their day of liberation. 3. On the positive side, Modi has turned the 2019 election into a near-referendum on himself.
OPINION
20/04/2019
1765.
Sub :
1. What was described as the ‘Modi wave’ in 2014 was actually a combination of two parallel currents. There was, first, fierce anti-incumbency against the UPA government. This merged with a parallel fascination for the then Gujarat chief minister who had emerged as the alternative. However, there was no uniform perception of Modi. To some he was the great champion of Hindu interests; to others he was a chaiwala-made-good; some admired his administrative acumen and the Gujarat model; and, finally, to a small but influential section, he was a rare business-friendly leader. In short, Modi’s image in 2014 was hazy. He was interpreted according to sectional convenience.
2. In 2019, after five years of sustained national and international exposure, there is very little tentativeness surrounding Modi. People either love what they have seen of his leadership and character or, as has been the case with a section of the old elite, they loathe him with unrivalled passion. Politically at least, Modi’s persona argues against either indifference or neutrality. People either want to endorse him for another five years to build a New India, or they look upon May 23 as their day of liberation.
3. On the positive side, Modi has turned the 2019 election into a near-referendum on himself.
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Ref : TIA factor matters little in a near-referendum on Modi : April 7, 2019 : Swapan Dasgupta in Right & Wrong | India | TOI
For a political party in West Bengal, a public meeting at the Brigade Parade Grounds in Kolkata is special. In my lifetime, I witnessed a spectacular rally by Indira Gandhi in December 1971, on the very eve of the war to liberate Bangladesh. In addition, there have been innumerable Left rallies over the years. In terms of mobilisation, the CPM set exacting standards.
By contrast, the BJP has never really had the self-confidence to hold mammoth shows of strength. Five years ago, shortly after Narendra Modi was declared the BJP’s prime ministerial face, the BJP, in a leap of faith, organised a public meeting at the Brigade Parade Grounds. No one really knew what the response would be. In the event, the rally was a success, not because there was any formidable party network but because there were large numbers of people who attended on their own. It was an early indication that the personal appeal of Modi far exceeded that of the party.
Last Wednesday’s rally at the same venue was a bigger success in terms of crowds but, at the same time, different. First, the party had less than 10 days to organise the event and, to complicate matters, the Prime Minister had scheduled a public meeting in Siliguri (North Bengal) on the same day. Secondly, whereas in 2014 the BJP had relied on spontaneity, there was a greater emphasis on organised mobilisation now. Over the past five years, the BJP has grown from being an also-ran third party to emerging as the principal opposition to Mamata Banerjee. Finally, as opposed to 2014 when, in West Bengal at least, Modi was still an unknown commodity and the subject of intense curiosity, the Modi who appeared before the ecstatic crowds was the Prime Minister.
What was described as the ‘Modi wave’ in 2014 was actually a combination of two parallel currents. There was, first, fierce anti-incumbency against the UPA government. This merged with a parallel fascination for the then Gujarat chief minister who had emerged as the alternative. However, there was no uniform perception of Modi. To some he was the great champion of Hindu interests; to others he was a chaiwala-made-good; some admired his administrative acumen and the Gujarat model; and, finally, to a small but influential section, he was a rare business-friendly leader. In short, Modi’s image in 2014 was hazy. He was interpreted according to sectional convenience.
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The certitudes defining the Prime Minister work both to his advantage and disadvantage. On the positive side, Modi has turned the 2019 election into a near-referendum on himself. The importance of individual candidates, while important as boosters and dampeners in some cases, has diminished sharply. This also implies that the importance of caste and other local fault lines will be less in 2019 than in a ‘normal’ election. There may, however, be a subterranean Hindu consolidation.
Ironically, this aggregation has simultaneously led to the shrinking importance of what should otherwise have been the biggest shortcoming of the anti-Modi forces – the clear absence of a coherent alternative. If Modi is the only issue of this election, it naturally follows that the vote is either for him or against him. And those who are inclined to vote against him will not bother to assess whether they are voting for Rahul Gandhi as the next Prime Minister or for Mayawati or Mamata. Indeed, the biggest challenge to Modi in this election is posed by over-clarity of issues.
In 2009, the UPA benefited from concerns over stability and gained some support from grudging voters. Modi will perhaps also benefit from the opposition’s lack of understanding over future governance, but the size of the TINA vote will be relatively modest compared to a decade ago.
2019 is evolving into an exceptional election in which the normal parameters of political competition may fall by the wayside. The mould is being broken, although it is too early to talk of a fundamental regroupment. What was witnessed in Kolkata last week was just a small indication of the change.
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NOTE :
Modi in no mood to scrap CAB instead urges for TMC support : February 3, 2019 : Thomas Lim : Meghalaya Times
The intensified protests against the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB), particularly from the North Eastern region, does not seem to reach the ear of the Central government, even as few of the senior leaders of the BJP have refused to acknowledge that the agitations against the Bill will affect their vote bank in the upcoming Lok Sabha general elections. Further causing displeasure is Prime Minister, Narendra Damodardas Modi’s appeal to West Bengal’s ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) to support the Bill in Parliament to give the refugees living in India the right to citizenship.
Modi, speaking at the rally in West Bengal’s Thakurnagar, North 24 Parganas district, home to the Dalit Matua community, elucidated that India is the only place that can provide shelter to thousands of Hindus, Sikhs and refugees of other communities, who came from neighbouring countries to save themselves from communal violence.
While appealing to TMC Supremo Mamata Banerjee and her leaders to support the Bill and help the refugee brothers and sisters to get their rights, Modi justified that after the country was divided during Independence, thousands of people including the Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and Parsis had to take shelter in India due to communal violence, these refugees should get the right to citizenship. India is the only place that can provide them shelter.
Modi, in further defense, stated that the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government has come up with Citizenship Amendment Bill- the Lok Sabha has already cleared the Bill, which is now pending in the Rajya Sabha is just to help the refugee brothers and sisters to get their rights.
Huge crowd attends PM Narendra Modi rally at Durgapur, West Bengal on Feb 2, 2019
Here is the core issue where the agitating groups from the region termed the CAB as a highly divisive and discriminatory bill that contradicts the government’s actions with National Registration(NRC), Assam. The protestors argued that the implications of the Citizenship Amendment Bill (2016) are wide-ranging and need to be looked into not only from the lens of the state of Assam (as is the case right now) but through its wider implications for the Indian polity especially it’s incongruity with the inherently secular nature of the Indian state and Constitution.
While the way the Bills are being bulldozed, not taking into consideration of the sentiments of the masses, particularly from the people of North Eastern region, only exposed the double standard of the Modi government, where on one hand it assures that India needs inclusive growth and the region is an important component, where as in the case of CAB, their voices are not reaching the ears of the same government who assured comprehensive growth and development.
The protest against the CAB have already taken to the National Capital represented not only by the political leaders, pressure groups, but also the representation of head of states, where just few managed to have an audience with the Prime Minister, the rest have to be content with the meeting amongst several National Democratic Alliance (NDA) allies to appeal for opposing the Citizenship Amendment Bill 2016 in the national capital on February 1, 2019.
The delegation led by Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad Kongkal Sangma, who is also the convenor for the NE Region’s Political Parties’ Convention on the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB), met with different NDA party allies including the Shiv Sena, JD(U), Akali Dal, Lok Janshakti Party and appealed to them to support the cause of the people wherein the parties of the north east have opposed the Citizenship Amendment Bill.
The north east region’s political parties including president of AGP Atul Bora and former Assam Chief Minister Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, leaders of UDP including its president Dr Donkupar Roy and host of other party functionaries were expecting their concerned will be heard. But the appeal of Modi to TMC Chief to support the Bill will surely case a shadow towards the marriage of convenience (read as allies), as they will be forced to withdraw their respective support.
Of course the NDA is about to complete the five-year term; it will be interesting to witness how they seek vote once the Code of Conduct is imposed.
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OPINION :
1. ‘Syndicate politics’ is flourishing under TMC’s rule in West Bengal, which is hampering the state’s growth: PM Modi;2. TMC government in West Bengal is unable to address farmers’ woes, uplift the poor and generate employment for the state’s youth: PM Modi;
3. Farmers are our ‘Annadatas’. Their welfare will ensure the country’s progress: PM Modi;
4. BJP-led NDA Government has fulfilled the promise of raising Minimum Support Price for kahrif crops by 1.5 times: PM;
5. The country is witnessing transformation and 125 crore Indians are collectively moving towards realising the dream of a New India: PM Modi.
LAST WORDS :
1. Remembering the greats like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhash Chandra Bose, Aurobindo, Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, Ishwar Chnadra Vidyasagar, Khudiram Bose, Matangani Hazra and Rani Shiromani, the Prime Minister paid rich tributes to them and said that their contributions to the land was invaluable.2. The PM opined that there was immense scope to expand and make fisheries profitable. In this context he highlighted about the Central Government’s focus on Blue Revolution.
3. Launching fierce attack on the state government led by TMC, the Prime Minister said that it was unable to address farmers’ woes, uplift the poor and generate employment for the state’s youth. He alleged that ‘syndicate politics’ was flourishing under TMC’s rule in West Bengal, which was hampering the state’s growth. He added that the syndicate was operating for the sake of vote bank and to stay in power.
JAY HIND
JAY BHARATHAM
VANDE MATARAM
BHARAT MATA KI JAY
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