1. By the time this piece appears, the residents of Tamil Nadu would have exercised their electoral right and every newspaper and news channel would have begun predicting the outcome. Until now, for us, the people of Tamil Nadu, elections have only meant two political outfits and their respective symbols, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (rising sun) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (two leaves). To be more precise, they have meant two parties and three personalities – say M Karunanidhi, MG Ramachandran and J Jayalalitha. These three have trapped and controlled the political imagination of the people. For an electorate that led the way in social reform, we have lost almost all our social awareness and reduced politics to hero-worship and sycophancy. 2. But this is an unusual election, as for the first time we have been given what could be called a three-cornered fight in the shape of the Front created by the Left, a couple of major Dalit formations and one led by a cine star banding together. This alliance could, technically, spoil AIADMK’s and DMK’s calculations and significantly democratise political power in the state. But will that happen? It seems highly unlikely – I should say impossible – that it will overtake the two large Dravidar formations to form a government. 3. Irrespective of what happens, it is true that our hero-worship, especially the display of unabashed mother-worship that Jayalalitha receives from her followers, has made us the laughing stock of the country. Therefore before we drown ourselves in the arithmetic of these elections, let us try understanding some aspects of this DMK/AIADMK loyalty.
OPINION
30/04/2019
1775.
Sub :
1. By the time this piece appears, the residents of Tamil Nadu would have exercised their electoral right and every newspaper and news channel would have begun predicting the outcome. Until now, for us, the people of Tamil Nadu, elections have only meant two political outfits and their respective symbols, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (rising sun) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (two leaves). To be more precise, they have meant two parties and three personalities – say M Karunanidhi, MG Ramachandran and J Jayalalitha. These three have trapped and controlled the political imagination of the people. For an electorate that led the way in social reform, we have lost almost all our social awareness and reduced politics to hero-worship and sycophancy.
2. But this is an unusual election, as for the first time we have been given what could be called a three-cornered fight in the shape of the Front created by the Left, a couple of major Dalit formations and one led by a cine star banding together. This alliance could, technically, spoil AIADMK’s and DMK’s calculations and significantly democratise political power in the state. But will that happen? It seems highly unlikely – I should say impossible – that it will overtake the two large Dravidar formations to form a government.
3. Irrespective of what happens, it is true that our hero-worship, especially the display of unabashed mother-worship that Jayalalitha receives from her followers, has made us the laughing stock of the country. Therefore before we drown ourselves in the arithmetic of these elections, let us try understanding some aspects of this DMK/AIADMK loyalty.
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An exploration of ethnic identity and politics in the southern state.
Analysts relate Tamil Nadu’s electoral behavior to caste-based politics, “freebie culture” and pre-election bribery that has become the norm in the state. They also imply that the Tamil people in general are gullible illiterates who have been taken for a ride for a very long time. These are the easy answers but is there more to it?
At the base of our choices lies an essential cultural fact: linguistically and racially, we see ourselves as different from the rest of the country. Tamil is so different from most Indian languages that the people of Tamil Nadu do feel different, special – and isolated. The intentionality of the rest may or may not be to see us differently – and let me as a Tamil identify myself as a Tamil – but that it happens even today and quite naturally, is true. This only further necessitates the need to establish who we are. We don’t look like most people of India and the texture of our habits, rituals and celebrations are entirely Tamil. How much ever historians and anthropologists may argue the validity of the Aryan-Dravidian divide, under the skin and in the mind of every Tamilian the division exists. It is this socio-cultural reality that brought to the fore the Dravidian movement, and this is one of the reasons the Dravidian parties have taken over politics in Tamil Nadu. In spite of the emergence of so many other Dravidian parties, DMK and AIADMK even today own the Tamil card. May be it is their political lineage that gives them this strangle hold?
Whether we like it or not this distinction also plays a role in the voting pattern of the upper-castes vis-à-vis the others. But this is not crystal clear, since at times convergence takes place due to some complex reasons. Take for instance Jayalalitha. Many forward castes prefer to vote for her and her caste and class has a role to play in this choice, not to forget that she is not seen as anti-Brahminical as M Karunanidhi. But she also has a huge support base among other caste groups. Firstly she is MGR’s heir and therefore the strong Dravida connection is confirmed even if she is upper-caste. Here political identity takes precedence over the individual. There is another paradox that cannot be brushed aside: her fair complexion that defines her upper caste-ness is also a draw. The connection between beauty, honesty, success, trust and whiteness affects all of us. Added to this is the perception of motherhood making distrust almost impossible. Here, we must remember that the “mother” culture is very strong in Tamil-land.
On the other hand, Karunanidhi and team challenge this perception and try their very best to further establish themselves as the real Dravidian representatives. In fact the worship of Jayalalitha is played up subtly as an example for Dravidian subjugation. Whenever the DMK consolidation occurs the balance tilts in its favour. But it is obvious from the recent political statements of M Stalin, that there is a clear shift, even disowning of many of their core principles. The need to appear aspirationally upper caste/class has influenced their move towards embracing a more western looking, business-like and less atheistic approach. Muddled in this is once again the “white” that appears not just in skin but symbolically as upper class power.
But we have to wonder why no other outfit has been able to challenge the DMK and AIADMK. To the credit of both these parties, they have over the years established an electoral base that cuts across caste lines. Though their choice of candidates is still caste-influenced, the parties themselves have a support base that is wider. This cannot be said of most other parties like Pattali Makkal Katchi or Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi. This has reduced their role to being second-class partners. What about the Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party? Here is another twist. Both these national parties have in their ranks very Tamil leaders, yet they will never be considered Dravidian. The strength of their party identity makes it very difficult for their leaders to convince voters that they are truly Tamilian. The Congress and BJP are, let us admit it, seen as parties of Hindi-speaking Northerners.
Screen dreams :
*CN Annadurai, M Karunanidhi and MG Ramachandran created an identity for themselves.
This direct connection between cinema and Tamil Nadu’s socio-politics continued right up to the 1980s. Even though it has moved away in the last few decades, in the psyche of the Tamilian this bond has not been broken. When a cinemagoer watches a film, he/she is unconsciously connecting the political and cultural, film personalities with the power of change. The umbilical link between Tamil politics and cinema is so deep-rooted that even new voters have imbibed this tradition subliminally carrying it forward to the next generation of film stars.
What about the freebie culture? Are people so naïve that they vote based on the gifts they receive from the establishment? This is not gullibility; it is cultural conditioning. In the hierarchy of society, we have constructed a giver-receiver model. This system establishes a giver-taker power syndrome and the gift confirms benevolence as a virtue. On the other side of the scale, the receiver is thankful for the kindness. If you see how politicians distribute these gifts and the frenzy that surrounds these events, you comprehend how political outfits cultivate an environment of competition among those who are beneficiaries, always keeping them in check and consciously positioning themselves as kings and queens. This is only an extension of the landowner-labourer syndrome.
The pre-election money distribution is unfortunately seen only as another gift. The AIADMK and the DMK are masters at this craft. But I am not going to straightjacket citizens that easily. Existing within this bamboozled environment, voters also figure a way to exercise some pressure and pit one gift against another. Yet, they remain within the established condition.
Economic gains :
We forget another important aspect about Tamil Nadu. We have never really been at the nadir of economic development; in other words Tamil Nadu has not been a Bihar or UP. In spite of the rampant corruption, the state has moved forward albeit slowly. Crucially reservations have been largely a success story, providing opportunity to so many. These have also kept voters at large, within the DMK/AIADMK ambit.
What have we really lost under these Dravidian giants? The truth is that over the last two decades we have lived under fear. Whether it is the DMK or the AIADMK in power, in matters of freedom and citizens rights, they are not very different. We citizens are mortally afraid of taking them on, scared that gondaas will physically harm us. The cadres of both these parties abuse their strength with great regularity and no police force will come to your aid. Tamil Nadu has been a dictatorial democracy for far too long.
Will these elections change anything? I am not sure they will, but I am certain that in the next decade political powers centres will shift. We are, in my opinion going to witness the downfall of the DMK and the AIADMK resulting in a period of turmoil and uncertainty. What will eventually come out of this upheaval is anybody’s guess, but that this is vital for Tamil Nadu is unquestionable.
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NOTE : 1. Are Tamil Nadu’s Dravidian Parties on a Terminal Decline? : January 31, 2019 : Pravin Prakash : THE DIPLOMAT
The struggle to claim Tamil identity will redefine both Tamil nationalism and Tamil Nadu in years to come.
There is almost universal consensus that Tamil Nadu is undergoing a phase of great political change and upheaval. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (ADMK) have taken turns governing the state for the last 50 years. However, developments in the last two years have demonstrated that these Dravidian parties are now in decline, with several analysts pointing to what they feel is the imminent death of Dravidian politics.
There have also been suggestions that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its charismatic leader Narendra Modi are poised to prey on the current political chaos and fill the vacuum with its brand of Hindu nationalistic ideology (Hindutva) and developmental politics that has swept much of India.
This line of argument, however, makes the simplistic mistake of viewing the Dravidian movement, the Dravidian parties, and Tamil nationalism as mutually exclusive social phenomena. In truth, these parties moved away from the principles of the Dravidian movement decades ago. Today, the strength of both DMK and AIADMK is dependent on the lingering populist sentiments toward past leaders, as well as the use of patronage politics and caste as an effective means of political mobilization.
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Furthermore, Tamil nationalism predates the Dravidian movement and possesses a resonance in the state that will hamper any attempt by a national party to dominate the sociopolitical scene. The future of the Dravidian parties may lie in their ability to retain the mantle of “custodians of Tamil identity.”
The Loss of Iconic Leaders :
Jayalalithaa controlled the AIADMK with an iron fist from 1987 till her untimely demise on December 5, 2016. Her death has thrown the party into absolute disarray; the ruling party is fragmented by factions contending and jostling for power. The mysterious circumstances behind her death and the conspiracy theories surrounding it, the deep fractures within the party, and the squabbling over the two-leaf election symbol that had come to define the party have greatly weakened the AIADMK. Most critically perhaps, the party lacks a strong leader that has even a vestige of the influence and political legitimacy that Jayalalithaa and her predecessor M.G. Ramachandran commanded.
The DMK too, has undeniably been weakened by the recent demise of M. Karunanidhi, who had helmed the party since 1969. It’s already apparent that his son and successor M.K. Stalin is unable to replicate his father’s indomitable spirit and political cunning. The party, despite the chaos in AIADMK, has been unable to mount a serious offensive and function thus far as a truly credible opposition. However, Karunanidhi’s shrewd decision to name a clear successor while he remained at the helm of the party offered Stalin a long runway to consolidate power in his father’s shadow. The DMK thus remains a tightly organized party that is (so far, at least) united under the leadership of Stalin. The DMK also has a better organized cadre and grassroots structure that will keep the party afloat in times of political turbulence.
A Legacy of Corruption :
Beyond these issues, there are also indications that both the parties have been slowly losing popularity due to incessant allegations of corruption and vote-for-cash tactics. The 2G scam tainted the DMK while the conviction of Jayalalithaa and Sasikala in a disproportionate-assets case has greatly affected AIADMK.
This is a crucial issue that will affect both parties, particularly with regards to new players entering the fray at this time of political instability. The desire to turn to fresh, untainted political parties, particularly those led by well-regarded public figures like Rajinikanth and Kamal Hassan, may be enticing in the absence of Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa. Indeed, both actor-turned-politicians have begun their political journeys by targeting the corrupt political culture in Tamil Nadu.
The Enduring Allure of Tamil Nationalism :
The break away from Periyar by C.N. Annadurai in 1949 to form the DMK in itself represented a distinct watering down of Dravidian ideology with its atheist outlook, giving way to a more secular principle. The realities of electoral politics over the decades have dictated that both the DMK and AIADMK shift further away from atheism, embrace grassroots caste organizations and political parties, and hold alliances with both the Congress and the BJP. This would have been anathema to Periyar, who shied away from active participation in electoral politics, believing that the cost of courting popularity in politics would require ideological sacrifice.
The final vestige of the Dravidian movement, Tamil nationalism, is also historically its most potent. Anti-Hindi agitations gave the movement its first truly populist expression in the 1930s and was at the heart of the DMK’s electoral success in 1967. Periyar, Annadurai, and Karunanidhi all shrewdly realized that Tamil linguistic nationalism was a notion that all Tamils, regardless of caste subdivisions and religious affiliations, could subscribe to. The linguistic agitations adroitly altered the politics of the Dravidian movement from an intramural rivalry over caste hierarchies and the role of religion to a broader struggle over the politics of language and identity between a Dravidian Tamil state and the perceived enemy, an Aryan north central government.
This still has priceless political value in Tamil Nadu. The state remains imbued with a strong sense of Tamil nationalism and retains a distinct suspicion of national parties, which it considers to be representative of the Aryan north. Both the Jallikattu protests last year as well as the agitations over the NEET examinations have exemplified this best. What was defining in both cases, however, was the absence of the Dravidian parties at the forefront of the protest. Further, allegations of BJP influence over the political leaders of the AIADMK have greatly tainted its legitimacy as a leader of Tamil nationalism.
Looking Forward :
The great struggle for supremacy in Tamil Nadu politics will be fought over the mantle of protector and custodians of Tamil identity. The Dravidian parties will have to renew their allegiance and convince the electorate all over again of their dedication to the Tamil people and language. This will not be an easy task as relative newcomers like Seeman of the Naam Tamilar Katchi offer Tamil nationalist alternatives that effectively depict the Dravidian movement as a betrayal of Tamil identity.
Rajinikanth’s populist and charismatic appeal could potentially be both strengthened and weakened by this renegotiation of identity. The legacy of Dravidian politics and the electoral success of MG Ramachandran suggests that Rajinikanth, a non-ethnic Tamil, can seize the moment to become the manifestation of Tamil nationalistic pride. However, if Tamil nationalism grows more exclusivist and narrow, Rajinikanth, despite his immense popularity, may increasingly be seen as an outsider.
*Tamil Nadu BJP leaders H Raja and Tamilisai Soundararajan
This struggle to claim Tamil identity will redefine both Tamil nationalism and Tamil Nadu in years to come.
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NOTE : 2. New Fronts Are Taking Shape in Tamil Nadu But the Dravidian Parties Are Still on Top : Karthikeyan Damodaran and Hugo Gorringe : WIRE
The PMK and the PeoplesWelfare Front, which brings together the Left, the MDMK and the Dalit VCK, are saying they will fight the 2016 elections alone. But challenging the dominance of the AIADMK and DMK is easier said than done.
J. Jayalalithaa :
Political parties in Tamil Nadu have started to make moves keeping in mind the forthcoming elections. The All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), which is in power and more or less in a comfortable position except for the floods that ravaged Chennai and other northern cities – which could play into traditional anti-incumbency factors – is the one party remaining aloof from alliance talks and electoral meetings. This demonstrates its strength and marks it out as the party to beat. Perhaps for this reason, most of the others have started their work; the DMK has already formed a committee to work on its manifesto, and the Congress has put forth its pre-conditions for an alliance.
*Look, the spineless partymen, Bharatham do not accept such hypocrisy, this show is not a true respect to the leader.
Whilst these moves are typical of any Tamil election over the past few decades, the erosion of the Dravidian duopoly is also evident. The Pattali Makkal Katchi was the first to announce its chief ministerial candidate and has organised multiple conferences across the state calling for an end to Dravidian rule. With the coming together of parties like Vaiko’s Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, the Left and the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) as People’s Welfare Front, which has also released its common minimum programme, the stage is set for a multi-cornered fight in Tamil Nadu. Whilst this points towards the slow growth of multi-party contestation in Tamil politics, however, some factors remain constant.
Amidst all the pre-election machinations, it is clear that caste is set to play a predominant role in deciding electoral fortunes. While the caste basis of several smaller parties is apparent, the notionally caste-free Dravidian parties continue to operate a caste logic. This is exemplified by the fact that Jayalalithaa recently announced the appointment of 50 district secretaries keeping in mind the forthcoming elections. The caste-wise break up shows us that 30 out of the 50 are Mukkulathor (a cluster of Kallar, Maravar and Agamudayar castes, often known as Thevars), Kongu Vellala Gounders and Vanniyars. Only one Dalit, one member of the fisherfolk community and one tribal candidate were chosen; the rest were all from the trading and other intermediate castes. Caste majoritarianism, we see, continues as political praxis in Tamil Nadu.
Slipping hegemony of DMK :
DMK leader M K Stalin posing for a selfie with students at Coimbatore during his 'Namakku Naame Vidiyalai Thedi' campaign ahead of the 2016 assembly polls. Credit: PTI
In a bid to reconnect to the grassroots, the DMK has started a programme called Namakku Naame (We for Ourselves), where the party’s treasurer and DMK patriarch’s son M.K. Stalin will be visiting all 234 constituencies in the state to interact with people. Stalin ended his tour at the symbolically significant town of Kancheepuram, birthplace of DMK founder Annadurai on November 8, 2015. The images we saw of Stalin’s tour invited comments from political onlookers akin to that of what Rahul Gandhi did in Uttar Pradesh where, in an effort to connect to the masses, he stayed at a Dalit’s hut, ate food there, and was found working in a field helping a tiller. Stalin in his tour came out breaking the stereotype of a Tamil politician. Trading in the traditional white veshti and shirt for smart trousers and sneakers, he tried his hand at tilling a piece of land using a mattock and posed for selfies. All of this was dubbed by political commentators as attention-seeking efforts unlikely to bring the DMK votes.
The programme is seeking to revive DMK’s fortunes by returning to its past and is based on one of Karunanidhi’s famous slogans. The phrase was earlier used by the DMK for a popular government welfare scheme promoting self-reliance, and the party is hoping to recapture voters in the process. A website has been also created by it to reach out to educated and young voters. Coining terms and sloganeering is one of the cornerstones of Dravidian politics, which invests much on rhetorical flourishes and symbolism. Here the slogan has been transformed into action in a last-ditch effort save the DMK’s fortunes, and speaks to the decline of its strong local organizational base.
Emergent challengers :
The weakness of the DMK as a challenger to Jayalalithaa is perhaps best seen in the emergence of the non-aligned fronts. Sensing the continuing unpopularity of the DMK and the reluctance of the AIADMK to share seats, two alliances have emerged to exploit the cracks in Dravidian hegemony. On one hand we have the People’s Welfare Front (PWF) which comprises the MDMK, the VCK and the Left parties who claim that their poll alliance stems from a coming together of like-minded parties to address people’s issues. The participation of the Left parties here is the most significant indicator of change in Tamil politics, given their tendency to prioritise national questions and Parliamentary representation over questions of principle. The front’s common minimum programme gives us an idea of the ideological influence of the Left in its drafting and prioritises economic aspects and welfare measures rather than emotional issues like Tamil nationalism that are the political staple of the MDMK and VCK. The most important aspect of the CMP is the promise to enact a law against (dis)honour killings which are rising, but which the Dravidian majors carefully avoid talking about.
The PWF is a coming together of weaklings in the electoral politics of the state. Statistics show that all of them together do not even constitute 5% of the vote share. Not only does arithmetic count against them but they are weak even in terms of having established bases. The Left can claim East Thanjavur and Nagapattinam as their strongholds, and MDMK can say that about Virudhunagar though Vaiko couldn’t win in the Lok Sabha election. The VCK unfortunately has no constituencies, which it can claim as its bastion. Mangalur and Chidambaram come close but one of the major setbacks of the Dalit-dominated party, which has a good presence across the state, has been its failure to create such constituencies. In an effort to become a mainstream party, the VCK has emphasized Tamil nationalism in a manner that has alienated its core base of Dalit supporters.
The party’s leadership assumes that the Dalit populace would vote for them by default. Its general secretary recently argued that it has identified 84 constituencies where the Dalit population constitutes 25-44% and that the VCK has a strong presence. He suggested that if his party can get 30-40% of Dalit votes, it could pull off a win when its allies’ share is also added. Judging by the VCK’s past record, we can understand that this is a highly impossible scenario. The PWF’s most realistic chance of upsetting the Dravidian majors from this perspective may be if they rope in Vijaykanth’s Desiya Murpoku Dravida Kazhagam and G. K. Vasan’s break-away Tamil Maanila Congress. If the alliance remains intact, we will at least get a true impression of the support that each of these parties – who normally stand alongside one of the two dominant parties – have at the grassroots.
Caste consolidation?
Like the DMK, the PMK stands as a party with no alliance partner. The PMK is a party of ironies, a party which grew out of the Vanniyar Sangam in the 1980s in a classic case of the ‘politics of caste mobilisation’, The party’s infamous Vanniyar agitation in 1987 demanding reservation for most backwards castes, saw close to 5,000 Dalit hutments set on fire and hundreds of trees felled in protest. A few years later, the party floated a movement called Pasumai Thayagam (Green Motherland) with no appreciation of the irony this entailed. On the back of this mobilisation, the PMK grew into a major party and has been a first choice ally both for the DMK and AIADMK in the past. For a while, the party acted as a weather-vane in Tamil politics, successfully joining the winning side in multiple elections. Persistent alliance hopping, the loss of Dalit votes to the VCK and the fracturing of the Vanniyar vote by the DMDK saw the political fortunes of the PMK decline. Following successive electoral reverses, its leader, P. Ramadoss, swore never to ally with the Dravidian majors again and returned to caste-based mobilisation. In recent years, he has sought to consolidate an anti-Dalit front of intermediate caste groups in the state.
Now P. Ramadoss wants to see his son, Anbumani Ramadoss become chief minister, so he is playing a very careful game of politics – talking about caste only in regions where it is a vote-winner (such as in the southern districts and the Vanniyar belt) while maintaining an image of ‘developmental politics’ elsewhere. One of the possibilities is the coming together of caste and religious orthodoxy, which saw the PMK ally with the BJP in the national elections. The BJP, which desperately wants to make inroads in Tamil Nadu, is engaged in wooing both Dalits and intermediate castes – casting them as the victims of Dravidian politics – and may be open to a similar alliance in the coming state polls. Given that the PMK’s electoral base is confined to the Vanniyar belt and the BJP’s sole foothold in Tamil Nadu is in Kanyakumari, these parties too are assiduously courting Vijayakanth as an electoral partner.
The deliberations and discussions in advance of the 2016 elections suggest that the hegemony of the Dravidian giants has been effectively eroded. This does not mean, however, that one or the other will not emerge triumphant next May. The AIADMK as noted at the outset, remains set to repeat its victories in the past two elections. The two uncertainties confronting Jayalalithaa are the appeal against her acquittal on corruption charges, and the propensity of Tamil voters to choose the better offer. In a similarly unpromising scenario in the past, the DMK has managed to confound expectations with manifesto commitments and promises that have captured the imagination of the people. Whether they are capable of constructing such a package, and whether this will offset the taint of corruption and family rule is less clear. Certainly, the hurdles ahead of the DMK are higher than any they have faced in the past.
What, though, of the emerging fronts and the changing formations of Tamil politics? Both the PWF and the PMK are untested as non-aligned electoral fronts. We can safely predict that neither will form the next government, but there is still huge interest over their performance in the coming months. The first question is whether they can resist the allure of the Dravidian fronts and remain independent. All too often, parties have used pre-election campaigns to maneuver themselves into a stronger bargaining position. The second question is whether Vijayakant can bounce back from the problems of the past few years and resurface as a credible force. The third question relates to the performance of the PWF and the PMK. We know that people in Tamil Nadu are tired of Dravidian dominance, but will they be prepared to vote for alternatives when so many resources and opportunities flow through the political institutions of the DMK and the AIADMK? Irrespective of the answer to these questions, we know that caste considerations will inform the vote and it is here that the electorate have a significant choice: will they opt for the unstated caste majoritarianism of the Dravidian parties, the outspoken caste sentiments of the PMK and the BJP or the anti-caste rhetoric of the PWF. That these remain the options in the land of Periyar shows how far the state has yet to go to realise his vision of social justice.
*Karthikeyan Damodaran is a PhD candidate at the Centre for South Asian Studies, University of Edinburgh and Hugo Gorringe is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of Edinburgh and the author of Untouchable Citizens : Dalit Movements and Democratisation in Tamil Nadu, 2005.
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OPINION : BJP has many plans in Tamil Nadu, but it doesn’t know Tamil politics : Ramu Manivannan | The India EXPRESS
BJP little understands the social dynamics of politics in the state, grassroots influence of social justice movements, and the ideological basis of Dravidian movement in the state. Dravidian parties may have lost sheen with time but the ideological contents and ground realities are intact.
The writer is professor and head, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Madras.
*People do not see BJP as an alternative to either AIADMK or DMK. ( ? ) Answer below in last words
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is in a strong but dubious role of steering Tamil Nadu politics for over two years without any presence in the state legislature or popular support among the people in the state. The party wants to make most out of the callous corruption, political decay, ideological decline and transitional time underway in the emergence of next leadership in two major Dravidian parties — Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) — that have ruled the state since 1967.
BJP had begun its maneuvers in the state soon after the Bangalore verdict against Jayalalithaa in September 2014, spreading its close monitoring net after the admission of the late chief minister at Apollo Hospital in Chennai on September 22, 2016, and thereafter intensified its focus on Fort St. George since her passing away in December 2016 with a view to emerge as an alternative to both AIADMK and DMK. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) held its annual conference in Coimbatore in March 2017 — its first ever in Tamil Nadu.
V K Sasikala, who had assumed charge as party general secretary of the AIADMK after the death of Jayalalithaa, had already committed political suicide by her ruthless assertion and greed for the post of Chief Minister. Given the impending court verdict, it was only a matter of time before she would return to Bangalore prison. The Centre had pushed the Acting Governor into accepting the resignation of O. Panneerselvam from the Chief Minister’s post and in not inviting V K Sasikala to form the government. While V.K.Sasikala was faced with legal hurdles in her swearing-in, Panneerselvam did not have the required numbers in the given circumstances.
While BJP, for its part, wanted to prolong the crisis and wreck havoc into the Sasikala camp, Edappadi K. Palaniswamy had the tacit approval of BJP leadership. However, after sensing that the mood of the people in the state was against Sasikala and her family, the BJP chose to bolster the confidence of Panneerselvam, who was stranded without sufficient numbers on his side.
In walking out of the fold and challenging Sasikala, Panneerselvam had the complete backing of the BJP. At the same time, BJP kept a close watch on the developments within the AIADMK and followed the elevation of. Palaniswamy as Chief Minister with a sense of glee and scope for maneuvers. It was only a matter of time that the BJP began applying its second operational strategy of coercing him into the fold through blackmail, fear tactics and intimidations of survival of a corrupt government. Then, BJP began laying the ground to bring Panneerselvam and Palaniswamy together. The RSS-BJP network did the plain work of the go-between with established moles in the factions, and finally, at the home of a Chennai-based key RSS-BJP think tank, the final settlement was arrived between the two factions.
In a matter of few hours, the Governor did what was unwarranted of his office by uniting the factions of a party already in power with majority numbers. In a state suffering the extraordinary circumstances of public turmoil and political instability, the Governor did the unthinkable with a rare sense of joy over the accomplishment. Prime Minister Narendra Modi did the rest with his tweets congratulating the leaders of both the factions, knowing little that he and his party have already dug the grave for this AIADMK government led by Palaniswamy.
The AIADMK government led by Palaniswamy is engulfed in multiple crisis of statewide public protests in Kathiramangalam and Neduvasal, authoritarian display of power, and brutal suppression of the rights of social and political activists in the state. It is a mute spectator to ruthless implications of GST and its compliance without debate, arbitrary shootings, arrests and imprisonment of Tamil Nadu fishermen in Sri Lanka, failure to protect the rights of medical aspirants of the state over NEET, government employees and teachers strikes over pay revision, and meek surrender of Constitutional rights of the state over critical subjects like education, agriculture, access to water, control over natural resources, development and finance.
People do not see BJP as an alternative to either AIADMK or DMK. Though BJP claims, in party campaigns, meetings and wall writings that its goal is — " Kazhakangal illatha tamizhakam, kavalai illatha thamizhargal." — which means it wants to see “Tamil Nadu without Kazhagams” as a broad reference to political parties inspired by Dravidian identity-based movement while implying its inroads in state politics. This is a cruel joke. BJP little understands the social dynamics of politics in the state, grassroots influence of social justice movements, and the ideological basis of Dravidian movement in the state. Dravidian parties may have lost sheen with time, corruption and decay in values, but the ideological contents and ground realities are intact despite the impressions articulated by the RSS-BJP intelligentsia.
If Dravidian parties are to be replaced, why seek false heroes like Panneerselvam, reel heroes like Rajinikanth, and through intimidating tax raids hanging like a sword on corrupt politicians and officials? The crisis of governance is being sustained by the political manoeuvres and puppet shows orchestrated by the BJP’s leadership at the centre and the state BJP leadership enjoying an unprecedented access to Fort St.George and the newfound control over bureaucracy.
There is no full-time Governor in Tamil Nadu for a year now. If the role of Acting Governor is to carry out merger of factions and deals brokered by the RSS-BJP leadership, then all is not well with the office and functioning of the Governor. There is more to be read in his role, conduct and expectations of the office when he returns to Mumbai after fully knowing that 19 AIADMK legislators have withdrawn their support to the Palaniswamy-led government, including the fact that the leader of the Opposition and the DMK working president along with other party leaders in the state, have asked the Governor to order for floor test to prove the majority for the government. Where is the ever acting Governor? He is gone and will only return with the guidelines from the BJP leadership at the Centre and a magic wand that would force TTV Dhinakaran towards alternate strategies outside the withdrawal of support to the government. This is also the last chance for Dhinakaran to dare BJP and resist its pressure tactics as well as the first opportunity to build party with Sasikala and her family loyalists who also require a point to rally and roof for cover.
The state administration has long been under the ‘push and pull’ operational strategy of the BJP leadership. BJP is in a crushing mood vis-à-vis the state bureaucracy after smacking Rama Mohana Rao, former Chief Secretary of Tamil Nadu, through income tax raids and securing the loyalty of the bureaucracy to fall in line.
Palaniswamy is at the edge of his seat and his government is staring at the exit doors with the likelihood of threats from Dhinakaran driving the last nail in the coffin of this lifeless government. Though DMK is reluctant to seek a no- confidence motion on its own or pull down the government without an alternate strategy and the elections, if held, would happen at the convenience of the BJP. This is the precise course and strategy of BJP to retain the edge in state politics despite the projected fall of Palaniswamy’s government in the near future.
There has been a feeling that Tamil Nadu has been under the Centre’s rule for over a year now since the descent began at the Apollo Hospital. The dissolution of the present Assembly and the schedule for state elections is anybody’s guess, with enforcement and extension of President’s rule, until BJP is convinced that both Assembly and Parliamentary elections can be combined to force its bargain with its allies, friends and puppets. What Sasikala had done to Jayalalithaa during her life, the BJP has done the same after her death – betrayal of trust, friendship and the hidden bond as a friendly party.
If the BJP can break an ally like AIADMK into multiple factions without taking into consideration the party’s future and its million members, then it can also go out to wipe wipe off Dravidian-identity based political parties out of state politics. Given the social dynamics and movement-oriented historicity of politics in the state, there are realistic challenges on the ground. BJP is in a hurry to swallow more than it can chew. In its desperate divisive moves, polarising tactics and intimidating strategies to gain access to power through back gate and by sitting on the shoulders of others, it forfeits the case of presenting itself as a potential alternative and a durable choice in a state that has witnessed many social movements and long historical marches.
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LAST WORDS :
1. TAMIL NADU POLITICAL HISTORY IS HIGHLY CORRUPTED, ALL KAZHAGAMS WERE CHEATING THE GULLIBLE, IGNORANT, BLIND FOLLOWING PEOPLE OF TAMIL NADU AS GRANTED;
2. THE PURPOSE DRAVIDIAN MOVEMENT IS DEFEATED BY ITS OWN SELF CENTRED CORRUPTED LEADERS;
3. ALL LEADERS WERE AMASSING WEALTH AND THEIR FAMILIES FATTENING BRANCHES JOINING PARTIES, TURN INTO DYNASTIC POLITICS AS IN CONGRESS;
4. RECENT EXAMPLE OF PMK LEADER P.RAMADOSS WISH AND PLAN TO MAKE HIS SON ANBUMANI RAMADOSS AS TAMIL NADU CHIEF MINISTER;
5. TAMIL NADU SHOULD WELCOME BJP RULE, AND VOTE FOR IT, TO COME OUT OF ALL THESE FOOLISH CASTE RIDDEN, DRAVIDIAN SYNDROME, AS THIS DRAVIDIAN THEORY IS ITSELF COLONIAL MASTER'S CREATION TO ENABLE THEIR DIVISIVE POLICY ON BHARATHAM.
*RAJINIKANTH, KAMAL HASSAN, VIJAYAKANTH LIKE CINEMA RETIRED, LOST GLAMOUR, LOST CELEBRITY STATUS JOINING POLITICS = TO DACOIT VEERAPPAN POLITICAL AMBITION, KEEP POLITICS AWAY FROM CINEMA DEAR FRIENDS ...
JAY HIND
JAY BHARATHAM
VANDE MATARAM
BHARAT MATA KI JAY
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