1.#OPINION : Tuesday, November 30, 2021. 7:00 AM. 2549. 1.#Constitutional Democracy Vs Toolkit Politics : Nov 29, 2021 : Prafulla Ketkar : Organiser : Media Report. +++ MORE ......

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1.#OPINION : Tuesday, November 30, 2021. 7:00 AM. 2549.

1.#Constitutional Democracy Vs Toolkit Politics : Nov 29, 2021 : Prafulla Ketkar : Organiser : Media Report.

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*Constitutional Democracy Vs Toolkit Politics

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*Prafulla Ketkar

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The working of a Constitution does not depend wholly upon the nature of the Constitution. The Constitution can provide only the organs of State such as the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. The factors on which the working of those organs of the State depend are the people and the political parties they will set up as their instruments to carry out their wishes and their politics”.  — Dr BR Ambedkar’s concluding remarks in the Constituent Assembly on Constitution on November 25, 1949

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi dramatically announced repealing of the three farm laws on the Guru Purab, the birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Dev Ji. He also declared that a committee would be constituted to look into all aspects of Agriculture, including the Minimum Support Price (MSP). The decision has been interpreted by different people differently, depending on their political affiliations. What do the so-called farmers' protest and the decision to repeal the laws mean to our Constitutional democracy?  


The opposition parties, especially the Congress and Trinamool Congress, competing for the same opposition space, quickly came forward, congratulating farmers and taking credit for the victory. This celebration is not surprising at all.  Calling this - a triumph of democracy - because the laws were undemocratic and draconian-  is a shocking and dangerous argument. The political parties challenging the ruling dispensation do not realise that by encouraging this toolkit politics, they undermine the Constitutional mechanisms of which they are part and parcel.   


On expected lines, the protesting farmer's organisations claimed their victory but continued with the protests undermining the rights of other citizens. After consultation in the parliamentary committees, in May 2020, the farm laws were proposed. They were open to inputs and suggestions. Then, the agitating farmer's organisations did not take much trouble to deliberate and discuss the same. When the bills were passed by the parliament, the agitation started in Punjab mainly by the middlemen who were into the agricultural produce business in September 2020.  After two months, the protesting mobs were diverted to the borders of Delhi with the fundamental argument - we (farmers) did not ask for the reforms. A ridiculous argument one can hear in a country where framers of the Constitution believed the legal text as an instrument of peaceful social change. When the Government called for dialogue to make necessary amendments, unconditional withdrawal of the laws was the single point agenda of the protesters occupying streets. After the repeal of laws, now a new set of demands has been put forth.


The impact of this agitation on democracy and the farming community can be long lasting. The toolkit controversy involving international actors has already put the protest under the scanner. The shades of religious extremism, pitching for the release of rioters and secessionists, and the use of violent criminal acts during the protests undermined the credibility of Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) and its leadership. Now their reckless response to the repealing of laws has further eroded the same. The way civil society organisations, mainly mobilised by the communists of various shades, are using this agitation to challenge and weaken the democratic structure of Bharat is disturbing.    


For the Government in power, withdrawing the decision taken at the executive level and passed at the legislative level is not an easy task. The protests in the name of farmers tormented the social fabric in the states like Punjab and Haryana on the religious and caste lines. The possibility of exploiting social divisions for political objectives by the external actors enhances in such a situation. Now using the legal course vacating the occupied public spaces should be Government’s priority. 


A toolkit is a fashionable form of politics with the growing influence of social media. World-over, similar strategies are adopted to undermine democracies while using the democratic spaces. Non-democratic countries can effectively use such a scenario in the bigger strategic game. An extensive and reasonable debate on reforming the agriculture sector to enhance the affordability and sustainability of farmers is desirable.  At the same time, this toolkit of protests that believes in occupying public places, blackmailing state machinery and promoting anti-Bharat agenda should not become a template to challenge the Constitutional democracy must be our core concern as a nation.

 

End.





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2.##INDIA NEGATIVE : Dangers of the De-nationalised Congress : Oct 04, 2021 : Prafulla Ketkar : Organiser : Media Report.

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##Dangers of the De-nationalised Congress

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We must take care that the friction should not be allowed to go so far as to put a stop to this motion. We have our limits. We want unanimous consent. If not, we will have the resolution passed by the majority and if it is passed, it must be carried. Even the President-elect has no right to change this. … Our opponents create rowdyism when they fear defeat. We are fighting against foreign autocracy. Why should we allow this home-autocracy? So we want to prevent the autocratic rule in the Congress. The Congress is an organisation of all the people and the voice of the people- ought to predominate. We should not allow any man, high or low, to ruin the cause of the Congress.”  –Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Principles of the Nationalist Party, speech at Surat on December 23, 1907

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Captain Amarinder Singh distancing himself from Congress and ‘Tukde Tukde’ fame Communist student brat Kanhaiya Kumar joining the same Congress may look two different political developments. In reality, they are part of the same process--the decay and de-nationalisation of the Congress party. Communists infiltrating the Congress is not a new phenomenon. The ambit was, however, limited to the intellectual space through State-run institutions. But what is happening since the UPA period and more so after Rahul-Priyanka takeover, is much more sinister.


Take the case of Galwan conflict with China. Congress along with its media friends has been toeing the Chinese diplomatic line that India suffered a bloody nose. “China is killing us by entering our country” – was the Congress’ refrain. This chorus (jugalbandi) with China and Pakistan was aimed at demoralising the nation and our jawans who were bracing the Chinese deceit. Moreover, what transpired in the bilateral agreement between the Chinese Communist Party and the Congress continues to remain a riddle. When the Home Ministry called for a meeting of Chief Ministers of the Maoist affected states, Chhattisgarh CM Bhupesh Baghel gave it a miss. Is it a coincidence or strategic compliance to conceal commitments made in China?  


During the entire COVID-19 crisis, from migration issue to vaccination process, at every stage, Congress chose to peddle the Maoist agenda of creating divisions and confusions. Even when the entire country celebrated the making of indigenous vaccines and the entire world recognised the efficacy of CoWin App, Congress and its leadership joined the cynicism and negativity peddled by the Communists.     


Recently, displaying his typical comic ignorance, Rahul Gandhi passed a verdict on the ‘idea of India’ invoking Veer Savarkar. He said, “they say India is a territory, we say India is people, relationships”. Veer Savarkar was the one who articulated the significance of Sacred Geography and its interconnectedness with the people. The inherent idea of Hindutva, that is Hinduness, is premised on the inalienable bond between the sacred land and the values cherished by its people. The strategy of mocking and targeting Hinduness, while showcasing Hindu symbols and rituals during the election season, has exposed the duplicity and hollowness of Congress style ‘Secularism’.   


Communists not appreciating the ancient concept ofRashtra is understandable. For them Pan-Communism is above nationhood. That is why they call themselves the Communist Party of India and not the Indian Communist Party.  On the contrary, ‘Indian National Congress’ represents a specific geography, ie, Bharat and ‘National’ connotes the ideological moorings. This entire edifice is now in a shambles both at the organisational and ideological levels.  The leadership is in a disarray, as many Congressees openly state.  Geographically, Congress is shrinking. But the most alarming sign is the way the grand old party is being taken over by different shades of Communists and Islamists, leading to its stark de-nationalisation.  


As a democracy, we need a national level opposition in geographical and conviction terms. The Congress failure on both the fronts is giving space to regional parochial or the Breaking Bharat forces. It is the Congress that is ensuring that Bharat is Congress-Mukt. From Cambridge Analytica fiasco to the Kanhaiya Kumar entry, the rapid de-nationalisation of Congress is the real danger for democracy.   

 

End.




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3. ###INDIA NEGARIVE : Shrouding the Genesis of PartitionTuesday : 30 November, 2021 : Prafulla Ketkar : Organiser : Media Report. 

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###Shrouding the Genesis of Partition

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The Hindus were visited by a dire fate at the hands of the Moplas. Massacres, forcible conversions, desecration of temples, foul outrages upon women, such as ripping open pregnant women, pillage, arson and destruction— in short, all the accompaniments of brutal and unrestrained barbarism, were perpetrated freely by the Moplas upon the Hindus until such time as troops could be hurried to the task of restoring order through a difficult and extensive tract of the country. This was not a Hindu-Moslem riot. This was just a Bartholomew. The number of Hindus who were killed, wounded or converted, is not known. But the number must have been enormous”.   – B R Ambedkar,Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar,  Writings and Speeches, New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, 2014, pp. volume 8, P.163

 


A day before the celebration of Independence Day, Government of Bharat decided to commemorate August 14 as the Partition Horrors Remembrance Day.  On September 25, now Malabar Hindu Genocide Day is also turning out to be a widespread commemoration. These two cenotaph days may look different but they are intrinsically connected.  


In 1921, hundred years ago, in the name of Khilafat, the idea of pan-Islamism was systematically nurtured among Muslims. Though the thinking of being natural rulers of Hindus was there among Muslim elites, the idea of Islamic Caliphate, based on global Islamic Brotherhood was not there. Naturally, common Muslims, as even today in large parts of Bharat, had no hesitation in following the Bharatiya cultural practices. As Sri Aurobindo articulated, “the Khilafat affair made that separate political entity an organised separate  political power”. 


Denial of Bharatiya cultural roots, which was essentially Hindu, and non-acceptance of ‘infidel’ leadership was also fundamental to the idea of Khilafat. Hence, tactical support was extended to Gandhiji and his Non-Cooperation but his leadership was never accepted. Instead of contributing to the Swaraj Fund constituted by Lokmanya Tilak, separate Khilafat Fund was raised. The Ulemas, journalists, educationists and activists were systematically infiltrated to various social spaces to occupy leadership positions. Eventually most of them again got together with the demand for Pakistan in 1930s. 


The Khilafat movement was not just a tool for religious mobilisation based on  symbolism but was an exercise of usurping power based on brute force.  Moplah rebellion, especially the Thuvoor massacre, gave communal violence prevalent from 1860s a  pan-Bharat template.  


The ghastly attacks started with Avoovakkar Mussaliar, a local Khilafat leader, along with his followers forcefully occupying a Namboodiri house in a village called Thuvoor located around thirty kilometers from Kozhikode, captured a Shiva temple in the premises and converted it into a Sharia Court. Bringing all Hindu ‘kafirs’ of surrounding houses, he gave them a choice of converting to Islam or getting killed.  


Those who refused to convert were slashed with a sharp sword in the neck and were pushed into a well. Only when one of the victims, named Kelappan, managed to get out of that well, through a creeper, and reached a nearby Police station, the administration came to know about this barbaric incident. Around 60-70 dead bodies were recovered. However, as per the then reports of Arya Samaj, there were three such wells, in which 300 bodies of Hindus were found. The date was September 25, 1921. This pattern was followed in many parts of Bharat, even at the time of Partition.  


Contrary to the Congress narrative, this was certainly not a ‘non-violent’ ‘freedom struggle’. The communists claims of Moplah riots being a peasants’ revolution, flounders miserably by the fact that most of the victims belonged to Ezhava, Nair, Pulaya and Cheruma communities, traditionally considered as the lower castes.  


The commemoration of Malabar Hindu Genocide Day is a tribute to all those who sacrificed their lives for Swa-Dharma. At the same time, it is a grim reminder that the seeds of Partition were sown much earlier in Malabar in terms of ideation and action. The same Moplah template was executed in 1947 at the time of Partition and in 1990s, in the Kashmir valley.  If Nation First is to be the mantra, then Khilafati/Pan-Islamist mindset has to be negated. That is the underlying message of the Malabar Genocide Day.  


End.




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4.####INDIA NEGATIVE : Cowards Target the Courageous : Oct 11, 2021 : Prafulla Ketkar : Organiser : Media Report

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####Cowards Target the CourageousTeacher Deepak Chand, Principal Supinder Kour, Pharmacist Makhan Lal Bindroo and Street vendor from Bihar, Virendra Paswan.

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If you come, with you; if you don’t, without you; but if you oppose, in spite of you, we Hindus will fight out the good battle of achieving the independence of India and herald the rebirth of a free and mighty Hindu nation in the near future…The Hindus will assure them all that we hate none, neither the Moslem nor the Christians nor the Indian Europeans, but henceforth we shall take care to see that none of them dares to hate or belittle the Hindus also.”  – Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS - AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA, 19th Session - at Karnavati (Ahmadabad), 1937

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On October 5, the terrorists in a cowardly attack claimed three innocent lives in the Valley. An elderly Kashmiri Hindu, Makhan Lal Bindroo, a prominent pharmacist, was killed in Srinagar. A vendor from Bihar, Virendra Paswan, belonging to a Scheduled Caste community, was shot dead in the Lalbazar area of Srinagar. At Naidkhai in Bandipora district of north Kashmir, militants shot dead Mohammad Shafi Lone, president of the local taxi stand. Even before the pattern was decoded, On October 7, shooters barged into a Government School in Srinagar's Eidgah area. They fired upon Principal Satinder Kaur, a Sikh lady from Alochibagh and another teacher Deepak Chand from Jammu. These distant looking incidents have a pattern in them.


The Resistance Front (TRF), an obscure organisation supposed to be an arm of Pakistan-sponsored terror outfit Lashkar-e-Taiba, has made the desperate claim through social media and took responsibility for the attacks. They have described targets as either agents of the 'Hindutva Forces' or informants of the security forces. The same outfit had taken responsibility for killing the political activists for participating in the democratic process in October 2020. Irrespective of the claims' validity, the soft targets’ choice and religious-social profile are apparent. Despite the series of Hindu exodus, if someone dares stay back in the Valley, they are targeted so that no one from the Kashmiri Hindu community dares to return to their homes. A small vendor is also termed occupier, as the arrival of an outsider for business activity is a sign of normalcy. A school Principal from a Sikh community is against the idea of imposing Sharia law, so she was eliminated. While a Taxi Association President supporting tourism in Jammu-Kashmir is labelled as an 'informer' because even such Muslims are not required. All these were courageous people who stood against the agenda of radicalisation and terrorism while standing for democracy and development. The cowards who believe in violence and exclusion could not digest them.   


This spur of targeted killings is a sign of frustration for the radical terror outfits of the Valley and their masters in Pakistan. After the amendment to Article 370, many developments have taken place. From the deepening of democracy at the grassroots level to drastic improvement in the delivery mechanisms of the Government services, the change is perceptible. New academic and business opportunities are being created. More importantly, the infiltration bids and material support from across the border have reduced substantially. To negate all these positives, picking up the easier and softer targets to convey the message of terrorism is the obvious trick.


Notwithstanding all the economic woes and political uncertainties, Pakistan is emboldened with the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan. The 'Kashmir' issue is not getting traction on the international forum. To keep the atmosphere boiling, using the sleeper cells and creating fissures with minimum resources is the natural strategy for the epicentre of terrorism. Pakistan has been for the long-term existential war and striving to drive Bharat out of Jammu-Kashmir since 1947. Entire Bharat needs a multi-pronged long term vision for dealing with this hybrid war. This war is not just about some individuals or the 'Kashmir' Valley; it is a challenge for the idea of Bharat that celebrates spiritual democracy. Mere economic development or border security will not be sufficient to take on this war. The roots of radicalisation and separatism should be addressed to defeat the exclusionist idea called Pakistan. Defending the courageous who are ready to stand for inclusive democracy is an inalienable part of this war strategy.


End.



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JAI HIND

JAI BHARATHAM

VANDHE MADHARAM

BHARAT MATHA KI JAI.




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